Wednesday, 30 April 2008
LTTE shells Padaviya
Media Center for National Security (MCNS) stated that the LTTE was shelling Padaviya occasionally all throughout the day and the security forces were retaliating.
MCNS said that a civilian was injured in shelling in Thissapura, Padaviya. MCNS further said that there were no details of damages or deaths.
CPI: re-open Kacchativu pact
NEW DELHI: Communist Party of India on Tuesday demanded the re-negotiation of the Kacchativu Agreement between India and Sri Lanka on the rights of fishermen, as, they said, “this was a grey area.”
Raising the matter during zero hour D. Raja (CPI), said the agreement signed in 1974 allowed Indian fishermen and pilgrims access to Kacchativu without obtaining travel documents for these purposes. The agreement also said that the vessels of India and Sri Lanka would enjoy previous traditional rights in each other’s waters.
Mr Raja said, “After 1983, problems arose. When Indira Gandhi signed the agreement [in 1974] she said Kacchativu was sheer rock, of no strategic importance. Now the island in Palk Straits has become a strategic area. Against this background, we must see the war in Sri Lanka tending to become a war against Indian fishermen too. There is harassment.”
He said in a reply to an earlier Rajya Sabha question, the government had said that Indian fishermen had access to the Kacchativu island to rest, for drying of nets, for attending the annual Saint Anthony’s festival. “The right of access is not understood to cover fishing rights around the island to Indian fishermen,” the then reply said.
Quoting the reply, Mr. Raja said this was a grey area that required the agreement to be re-opened and re-negotiated to protect the rights of Indian fishermen.
Sirisena Cooray seeks Rs. 10 billion damage from 'Spectacle' group
Mr. Cooray states in his petition that the said independent group that contested the May 20, 2006 Municipal Council election signed an MOU with the United National Party to make way to replace the elected counclors with UNP members.
UNP came to this agreement with the independent group as the UNP nomination list was rejected.
In accordance with the agreement, the UNP provided fullest corporation for the group in the election campaign. But after winning the election, the group did not abide with the pledge to offer seats to UNP violating the MOU.
Syria Did Not Disclose Building Nuclear Reactor White House says it was destroyed in 2007 in an Israeli air strike
By Merle D. Kellerhals Jr.
Staff Writer
Washington -- Syria did not tell the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) it was building a nuclear reactor in a remote area of eastern Syria with help from North Korean nuclear scientists and engineers, and after it was destroyed in September 2007, made every effort to bury the evidence, White House press secretary Dana Perino says.
"This cover-up only served to reinforce our confidence that this reactor was not intended for peaceful purposes," Perino said in a prepared statement April 24. "We are briefing the IAEA on this intelligence."
IAEA Director General Mohamed ElBaradei confirmed in Vienna April 25 that his office has been given the U.S. intelligence and that the reactor was not yet operational and no nuclear material had been introduced into it.
"The agency will treat this information with the seriousness it deserves and will investigate the veracity of the information," ElBaradei said. "Syria has an obligation under its safeguards agreement with the IAEA to report the planning and construction of any nuclear facility to the agency."
Syria has been a party to the 144-nation Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty since 1963 and has operated one small research reactor that is subject to regular U.N. inspections.
Senior U.S. intelligence officials said during a White House background briefing April 24 that North Korean nuclear-related officials and high-level Syrian officials began discussing this nuclear reactor as early as 1997. The United States began acquiring definitive intelligence about the project in 2001, but had collected some data going back several years, they said.
"The Syrian regime must come clean before the world regarding its illicit nuclear activities. The Syrian regime supports terrorism, takes action that destabilizes Lebanon, allows the transit of some foreign fighters into Iraq and represses its own people," Perino said.
The nuclear reactor, under construction near al-Kibar along the eastern edge of the Euphrates River in the Dayr az Zawr province, was destroyed in an Israeli air strike early in the morning on September 6, 2007, a senior U.S. intelligence official said. "Syria destroyed the remainder of the reactor building with a massive controlled demolition on October 10, 2007, as part of an ongoing effort to remove all evidence of the reactor's existence," a White House official said.
Earlier in the day April 24, the same senior intelligence officials fully briefed the U.S. Congress with photographs taken before, during and after construction, and showing the damage after it was destroyed in the air strike. In addition, 22 key members of Congress were briefed by intelligence officials in September 2007 and October 2007, a senior administration official said.
The senior administration official said that the regime in Damascus, including Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, has "specifically and forcefully denied that a nuclear facility was destroyed or that it has any undeclared nuclear facilities. Syria has gone to extraordinary lengths to conceal the existence and nature of the al-Kibar reactor, both during its construction and after it was destroyed."
U.S. intelligence shows that Syria was building a gas-cooled, graphite-moderated nuclear reactor that was nearing operational capability in August 2007, and that it was capable of producing plutonium for nuclear weapons, the intelligence official said.
"We are convinced, based on a variety of information, that North Korea assisted the Syrian's covert nuclear activities both before and after the reactor was destroyed," a senior administration official said. "It was not configured to produce electricity and was ill-suited for research."
The only country that has built this type of reactor in the past 35 years is North Korea, the intelligence officials said. And it was built on the same design as the Yongbyon plutonium power reactor in North Korea, they said. Curtain walls and false roofs were added to the Syrian reactor to hide its design, they said.
"Our information also indicates involvement of nuclear-related North Koreans in a project somewhere in the area," the senior U.S. intelligence officials said. "And we also have evidence of cargo being transferred from North Korea, most likely to this reactor site in 2006."
They said the reactor was destroyed in the Israeli air strike before "it was charged with uranium fuel." One of the photographs the intelligence officials showed the press during the background briefing shows North Korean nuclear scientist Chon Chibu, who was involved in development of the Yongbyon reactor, at the site, an intelligence official said.
The senior administration official said during the briefing that this information was not released sooner to avoid "conflict and perhaps an even broader confrontation in the Middle East region. We were concerned that if knowledge of the existence and then destruction of the reactor became public and was confirmed by sources, that the information would spread quickly and Syria would feel greater pressure to retaliate," he said.
As time has passed, the risk of further conflict has receded, and the information was given to the full Congress and made public, the senior official said.
The senior administration official also said that by being public, this information will strengthen the hand of negotiators in the Six-Party Talks with North Korea, allowing them to obtain a more accurate accounting of North Korea's nuclear programs.
"We believe and hope that it will encourage North Korea to acknowledge its proliferation activity, but also to provide a more complete and accurate disclosure of their plutonium activities and their enrichment activities as well," the official said.
Admiral Michael Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said at an April 25 Pentagon briefing that this situation "should serve as a reminder to us all of the very real dangers of proliferation and the need to rededicate ourselves to prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction, particularly into the hands of a state or a group with terrorist connections."
Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Joseph Biden said that unless it can be confirmed that North Korea no longer is in the nuclear proliferation business, sanctions should not be lifted. North Korea tested a nuclear device in October 2006.
"Our goals are, and must remain, both shutting down North Korea's nuclear programs and ensuring that North Korea does not transfer dangerous technology to other irresponsible states," Biden said in a prepared statement.
House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Howard Berman called the details of the Syrian-North Korea project disturbing.
"But I don't think they provide a reason to suspend discussions with the North Koreans. Rather, the information that has been released to the public demonstrates the importance of insisting on a verifiable enforcement mechanism to ensure that North Korea honors its commitments to stop spreading the means to create nuclear weapons and to end its nuclear program permanently," Berman said.
Time Has Come For Fresh Indian Initiative in Sri Lanka
Col R Hariharan (retd.)
The Tamil Nadu state assembly resolution calling upon the Centre to take steps to bring peace in Sri Lanka last Wednesday, April 24, merits follow up action by all those who aspire for resolving the Sri Lanka Tamil issue peacefully. The resolution perhaps for the first time reflects the desire of Tamils everywhere for India to take a more proactive role in Sri Lanka in the interest of all stakeholders – people of India and Sri Lanka, Sri Lanka Tamil Diaspora and the international community. Its constructive tone for finding a peaceful resolution of the problem, rather than the polemical Tamil political rhetoric adopted in the past, is too good to be trivialised.
Coincidentally, the resolution was passed when the Eelam War-4 hit the hottest point of combat at Muhamalai causing heavy casualties on both sides. With over 7000 lives already lost since December 2005 in the endless conflict, civil society in India and Sri Lanka jaded by failure to be effective in the past should now renew their efforts to use the small opening provided by the TN assembly resolution to turn it into a productive opportunity.
The resolution, briefly worded perhaps for political reasons, by itself does not indicate possible outcome. However, Chief Minister Karunanidhi's eloquent speech on the occasion gives sufficient indications for all stakeholders on the subtle changes taking place in Tamil Nadu political perceptions on the subject.
It is significant that in his speech Karunanidhi had defended India's (Centre's) policy on Sri Lanka. This sends a message to the Tamil protagonists of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) who had been counting on his support to the LTTE war. His pointed reference to the lack of unity among Tamils and criticism of the killing of Tamil leaders like A Amirthalingam without naming the LTTE makes it clear that he does not equate the LTTE war with the struggle of Tamils for autonomy. And as a corollary it raises a big question mark on the LTTE claims as the sole representative of Tamils.
At the same time his lament for the failure of Tamils to unite and achieve success as the Maoists in Nepal have done indicates that his heart supports the Tamil Eelam. But his head seems to have dictated that it was not pragmatic. His pragmatism in approach is relevant because he is perhaps one Tamil leader who is widely respected by Tamils (including politicians and Tamil Diaspora) everywhere and he has the potential to evolve a Tamil consensus on the subject. His speech has given adequate indications for them to take positive follow up action in three directions –persuade India for active involvement, persuade Sri Lanka and the LTTE to cease their quest for a military solution, and take measures for initiating a holistic and structured approach to find a peaceful resolution of the Tamil quest for autonomy without threatening Sri Lanka's sovereignty.
Stakeholders' response
Speculating on the stakeholders' response to the resolution is risky. Many observers of the scene would be tempted to dismiss it as a political ploy of the Chief Minister to prevent the Patali Makka Katchi (PMK) leader Dr Ramadoss and Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazagham (MDMK) leader Vaiko from cashing in on the Sri Lanka Tamil issue in the local political scene. However, this issue has ceased to be a hot 'vote catcher' issue in Tamil Nadu for sometime now. Moreover, the war in Sri Lanka is going on too long to be ignored and any opportunity to resolve it should not be dismissed on cynical considerations. And the resolution offers one such opportunity.
Perhaps, Delhi has got its own internal dissonance on Sri Lanka within the government and the ruling coalition. At present, Tamil Nadu has a disproportionately large clout at the Centre and within the ruling and opposition coalitions. It is time for Tamil lawmakers in Delhi to close their ranks on this issue and demand a fresh Indian initiative in Sri Lanka. Otherwise Tamil public at large are unlikely to forgive them.
As far as Sri Lanka is considered, its adroit President Rajapaksa by now must have understood that the end of the tunnel was still not visible despite the huge cost of lives resources paid in the war so far. It should be equally clear that a fresh political initiative with India at the helm (rather than Norway) could possibly be a better way of resolving the issue. If nothing else, it would save a few billion dollars down the drain and a few thousand lives, while presenting a possibility of success, than pursuing a purely military option.
The international community (a.k.a. four co-chairs in Sri Lanka context) is perhaps wiser now of the limitations of Norwegian mediation and their own actions, long on rhetoric and short on results. Perhaps they should consider asking India to don the mantle for a change to give a lease of life to their well meaning efforts in Sri Lanka.
It is too tempting to dismiss the LTTE as irrelevant in any peace process. However, it will continue to be an important denominator in the issue. At the risk of being branded as the LTTE's 'military guru' as some wise Sri Lanka columnist had done, I can say the LTTE has enough brains to know that the current war is reaching a point of no return. Inflicting more body counts or carrying out more suicide bombings – as the Tanil Nadu resolution was greeted – is not going to resolve the misery of millions of Tamils. It is time for the LTTE to show "Vivekam" (wisdom with discretion) in addition to its much touted "Veeram" (valour) because the war is going beyond the military domain.
The LTTE is not known to listen to external advice. I can only hope that it reads this and makes a pragmatic reassessment of the situation as the Kalaignar (Karunanidhi) has done. And that has only added to his stature. Will the LTTE do it? That is an answer its supporters and admirers should demand. There is no time to be lost anymore.
The Nawa Sihala Urumaya has decided to withdraw from the polls
The NSU previously had 12 candidates – all of whom are members of the security forces - in the fray for the May 10th election.
Its leader Sarath Manamendra told 'Lanka Dissent' yesterday (Apr. 29th) that they were facing threats from the Pillayan Group, and that the details would be issued to the media in due course.
Mr. Manamendra, who was the Senior Coordinator of slain Chief Government Whip Jeyaraj Fernandopulle, had reached a political agreement with a top government politician this afternoon, the sources said.
Both the NSU and the Pillayan Group's TMVP were among the five political parties that were recognized by the Elections Commissioner prior to the local government polls in Batticaloa
Media in Sri Lanka continues to be a casualty of war IFJ
The downward slide in Sri Lanka accelerated as the government unilaterally withdrew in January 2008 from a ceasefire with Tamil separatist insurgents, the report said.
Admittedly, however, the early optimism engendered by the 2002 ceasefire had eroded all through the preceding year.
The relationship between the state, civil society and the media has deteriorated rapidly.
Weakening democratic commitments on the part of the authorities led in turn to an environment of impunity for corruption and human rights violations, according to the IFJ report.
It has been common practice for ministers and other prominent political figures to severely impugn the patriotism of conscientious and critical-minded journalists.
With few willing to publicly condemn such rhetorical excesses, the ground is prepared for more serious threats to the safety and security of journalists and media workers across the island.
Physical attacks, harassment, restrictions on movement and death threats have become a part of the working lives of journalists, photographers and all those engaged in the gathering, publication and dissemination of information in Sri Lanka.
The IFJ notes further in its report that already, journalists and media workers in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh are reportedly leaving the profession.
They are concerned for their safety on the job, frustrated by censors, compromised by pressures to self-censor, and demoralized by poor working conditions and pay.
In Sri Lanka, Tamil journalist Munusamy Parameshwari is now 24.
She fled her country recently and is in hiding after receiving death threats for several years.
Her family was also threatened.
From November 2006 to March 2007, Parameshwari was detained without charge under antiterrorist laws.
Shortly after her release she was abducted and assaulted by several men in uniform who warned her to discontinue her reporting.
Her crime?
Parameshwari gathered information for articles that exposed government participation in abductions, as well as other human rights abuses.
She is called a terrorist because she belongs to an ethnic group with which Sri Lanka’s Government is at war.
In seeking assistance to escape her tormentors, Parameshwari explains she needed to leave Sri Lanka in order “to live a fear-free life and regain my self esteem”.
She adds, “The long period of detention and the constant harassment, coupled with the fear for my life, has had a serious impact on my psychological well-being and I am forced to seek counseling in order to function on a day-to-day basis.”
Wimal-Nandana meet tomorrow to discuss new alliance
The meeting comes after yesterday's remark to the media by Mr. Weerawansa that he would definitely go on a path of his own, if the JVP leadership does not extend the hand of comradeship to him by tomorrow.
Accordingly, his ultimatum to the party ends at midnight today.
Speaking to 'Lanka Dissent' recently, Mr. Gunatilake said he was prepared to join hands with Mr. Weerawansa if he is willing to rally the people for a freedom struggle and to bring the forgotten ideals of the party back to the fore.
IIGEP members reiterate their stand, lament GoSL for diverting attention
The IIGEP consists of 11 Eminent Persons: Justice P.N. Bhagwati (India) (Chairman), Judge Jean-Pierre Cot (France), Mr. Marzuki Darusman (Indonesia), Mr. Arthur E. “Gene” Dewey (USA), Prof. Cees Fasseur (Netherlands), Dr. Kamal Hossain (Bangladesh), Prof. Bruce Matthews (Canada), Mr. Andreas Mavrommatis (Cyprus), Prof. Sir Nigel Rodley (UK), Prof. Ivan Shearer (Australia) and Prof. Yozo Yokota (Japan).
Full text of the press statement issued by the IIGEP follows:
Colombo, 30 April 2008
Contact: IIGEP Public Information Office
Colombo Hilton Residence, Suite 705
No. 200, Union Place, Colombo 02, Sri Lanka
Tel: +94 (0) 11 2300306/8/9
Email: iigep@iigep.org
PRESS RELEASE
The Members of IIGEP Stand by their Concluding Public Statement
The Government of Sri Lanka has proclaimed that Justice PN Bhagwati, Chairman of the IIGEP, has clarified the IIGEP's assessment that the Government of Sri Lanka lacks the political will to ensure the success of the Commission of Inquiry. The other Members IIGEP stand by the clear assertions of their Concluding Public Statement, and disassociate themselves from any attempt to reformulate and re-interpret that agreed text.
In fact, the letter to H.E. the President from Justice PN Bhagwati merely expresses the obvious, namely that the IIGEP cannot know for sure, but fears ('apprehends') that the political will is absent. It is lamentable that the Government of Sri Lanka continues to divert attention from the central truth in this matter – that is, the problem of impunity for serious human rights violations and the need for the Commission to get to the bottom of that impunity.
The IIGEP's positions, including its observations of the work of the Commission, are reflected in the six public statements it has made, which are available at the IIGEP website (www.iigep.org). They contain all the information necessary to refute all the smears and misrepresentations levelled by the Government of Sri Lanka against the IIGEP and its eminently professional Assistants.
Murali plans to teach magic to young spinners
NEW DELHI (AFP) - Record-breaking Sri Lankan bowler Muttiah Muralitharan said Wednesday he plans to team up with Indian counterpart Anil Kumble to coach spinners when he retires from international cricket.
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"I will do a little bit for the game, not for money but for enjoyment," Muralitharan told the Mumbai-based Daily News and Analysis newspaper.
"I've already spoken to Anil and we will try and get together and do some coaching in the spin department.
"He is one of the greatest bowlers I have seen and he knows a lot. We will see which country needs help. We are looking at subcontinent countries and academies."
The Sri Lankan off-spinner is the world's leading bowler in Tests with 735 wickets in 120 matches. He is followed by retired Australian Shane Warne (708) and leg-spinner Kumble (608).
Murali is also the second-highest wicket-taker in one-day internationals with 464 scalps in 305 games after retired Pakistani fast bowler Wasim Akram (502).
Coaching bowling is not about technique but about how to use the conditions, he said.
"When both of us call it a day we will look at coaching together. Hopefully, it will help future generations," he added.
Muralitharan said his twin objectives were to reach 800 Test wickets and surpass Akram's one-day record.
"I am targeting 800 Test wickets. If I get that I will be very happy. Then I will try for a few more wickets in one-dayers to get the world record of Akram. When it is done there is nothing more to achieve for me," he said.
When asked whether he would call it a day after achieving these aims, he said: "I think so. Looking ahead there is no future because if some bowlers are coming through in Sri Lanka I would like to give them a chance.
"I can achieve 1,000 Test wickets, but the thing is it is too long and too hard to achieve. I am 36 now and you have to retire when you are on the top. Numbers are going to be just numbers for your own satisfaction."
Muralitharan's bowling action has been questioned during his illustrious career, but the ace spinner said he has never allowed the controversies to affect his performance.
"You don't want to give up just because of what some people say. You want to prove yourself. That is the way I look at life," said Muralitharan, who was called for throwing on Australian tours in the 1990s.
"I want to go forward instead of taking a backward step. I knew that I had the talent to go forward. So anyone trying to stop me, they tried their best, but couldn't."
Nalini moves to High Court for early release
NALINI SRIHARAN, one of the convicts in Rajive Gandhi assassination case, has moved to Madras High Court for early release.
The decision to move High Court for an early release has come after a month of her meeting with Rajiv’s daughter, Priyanka Gandhi. While Nalini had described the meeting as extremely pleasant, Priyanka had termed it as a move to come to peace with violence and turmoil, which she had witnessed in her life.
Contenders submit bids for Indian MRCA requirement
Indian Ministry of Defence (MoD) spokesman Sitanshu Kar said on 28 April that all contenders had put forward their proposals by the deadline of noon that day.
Competing for the contract are: Boeing's F/A-18E/F-IN Super Hornet; the Dassault Rafale; the EADS Eurofighter Typhoon; Lockheed Martin's F16-IN; the Russian Aircraft Corporation's MiG-35; and Saab's JAS 39 Gripen.
All bids detailed the complex technology transfer involved and the 50 per cent offset obligation - an increase on the usual 30 per cent - as well as specifying tie-ups and memoranda of understanding with local defence companies.
The contract includes the purchase of 18 aircraft to be delivered within 48 months of the deal being concluded.
The first of the remaining aircraft, which are to be built locally, is to be delivered within 54 months of the deal being signed, with all 126 expected to be in service by 2020.
BJP asks India to mediate between Sri Lanka and LTTE
Asking the Centre to play a 'major role' to bring both the Sri Lankan Government and the LTTE to the negotiating table, the BJP today said the recent meeting between Priyanka Vadhra and Nalini, a convict in the Rajiv Gandhi Assassination case, was done with a 'motif'.
"The Indian Government should play a major role to bring both the LTTE and the Sri Lankan Government to the negotiating table," BJP president Rajnath Singh told reporters here. Reacting to Priyanka's highly publicised visit to the Vellore Central Prison on March 19 to meet Nalini, he said "Her visit to see Nalini was a diplomatic tactic used by the Congress” He, however, did not elaborate.
Singh also termed as a "personal opinion" the former national security advisor Brajesh Mishra's statement that he preferred India to sign the nuclear deal with the US. The BJP had not changed its stand of opposing the agreement.
Stating that BJP favoured implementation of the Sethusamudram Ship Canal Project without affecting the Ram Sethu (Adam's Bridge) in the Palk Straits, he appealed to Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunandihi to re-align the project so as to preserve it.
Singh also demanded a white paper on inflation and accused the UPA Government of total failure to curb the rising inflation.
He said BJP rejected Union Finance Minister P. Chidambaram's stand that inflation was a global phenomenon as the rate of inflation in the US was three per cent and four per cent in other developing countries.
Charging the UPA Government with total failure to curb the rising inflation, Singh said "The UPA should seek advice from the NDA as it had successfully tackled the inflation. The NDA government had built huge rice and wheat stocks during its regime to tackle inflation and shortages."
On the Rs 60,000 crore agricultural loan waiver scheme, he said "the loan waiver is a disaster. He (Chidambaram) is yet to tell the country from where he will get the money to accomplish the waiver. It will not benefit majority of the farmers who had borrowed money from private money lenders."
He also asked the Centre to come out with a report on the progress of investigation by the Multi Disciplinary Monitoring Agency (MDMA), probing the conspiracy angle in the Rajiv Gandhi Assassination case.
On West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee's statement that the BJP and the Congress were out to divide the country albeit in different ways, he said "the Communists make ironical statements. If the Congress is dividing the country, how come they are supporting the Congress to run the government."
He alleged that the UPA government had become more anti-dalit and anti-poor by totally failing to come out with welfare measures for the Scheduled Castes.
He said the BJP welcomed the Supreme Court's verdict on exclusion of creamy layer from OBC reservation to educational institutions.
Civilian killed in SLA artillery barrage
The male victim was identified as Nakalingam Shanumgarajah and the mother wounded in the artillery attack was identified as Vikneswaran Makizhmozhi.
JHU accuses SLMC of unleashing Muslim terrorism in east
Mr. Hakeem has let loose an 'Otu' (Arabic) terrorism in areas such as Potuvil, Panama, Akkarapattu, Samanturai, Kinniya, Mutur and Kalmunai, JHU spokesman Nishantha Sri Warnasinghe charged.
Mr. Warnasinghe made the comment when 'Lanka Dissent' queried him regarding his party's opposition to the SLMC's contesting the May 10th election.
The party led by Mr. Hakeem is promoting sentiments against the state and the Sinhalese for a 'Muslim Deshai' (Muslim state) in these eastern areas, Mr. Warnasinghe alleged.
He compared this to the idea propped up among Tamil youths by the TULF in the 1960-70 period for a separate state for their community.
This will end up in another armed struggle, this time by Muslim youths, for a separate state, the JHU spokesman warned.
Mr. Hakeem has also spoken about the advantage of a 'Nasaristan' in a merged northeast.
The SLMC leader is spreading Muslim extremism by destroying Buddhist places of worship in the east and taking over the land belonging to them, Mr. Warnasinghe said further.
The east will come under the grip of al-Qaeda terrorism if this situation continues, he warned.
Mr. Hakeem has entered into a secret pact with Velupillai Prabhakaran to let loose an 'Otu' (camel) terrorism in the eastern area, the JHU spokesman charged, adding that the UNP has created a foundation for same.
He cited the appointment of two Muslims to fill the parliamentary seats that fell vacant following the death of two TNA MPs as an example to press his point.
UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe has betrayed his party through his aiding the SLMC to allow the Muslim extremism by allowing it to contest under the party's symbol.
Eastern Muslim youths had, at one-time, been very close to Tamil Tiger terrorism, Mr. Warnasinghe said, adding that during the Ranasinghe Premadasa regime, firearms were given to them for their protection.
A large haul of weapons that had been unaccounted for after Karuna broke away from the LTTE have come into the possession of Muslim youths, he charged.
Media in Sri Lanka continues to be a casualty of war IFJ
The downward slide in Sri Lanka accelerated as the government unilaterally withdrew in January 2008 from a ceasefire with Tamil separatist insurgents, the report said.
Admittedly, however, the early optimism engendered by the 2002 ceasefire had eroded all through the preceding year.
The relationship between the state, civil society and the media has deteriorated rapidly.
Weakening democratic commitments on the part of the authorities led in turn to an environment of impunity for corruption and human rights violations, according to the IFJ report.
It has been common practice for ministers and other prominent political figures to severely impugn the patriotism of conscientious and critical-minded journalists.
With few willing to publicly condemn such rhetorical excesses, the ground is prepared for more serious threats to the safety and security of journalists and media workers across the island.
Physical attacks, harassment, restrictions on movement and death threats have become a part of the working lives of journalists, photographers and all those engaged in the gathering, publication and dissemination of information in Sri Lanka.
The IFJ notes further in its report that already, journalists and media workers in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh are reportedly leaving the profession.
They are concerned for their safety on the job, frustrated by censors, compromised by pressures to self-censor, and demoralized by poor working conditions and pay.
In Sri Lanka, Tamil journalist Munusamy Parameshwari is now 24.
She fled her country recently and is in hiding after receiving death threats for several years.
Her family was also threatened.
From November 2006 to March 2007, Parameshwari was detained without charge under antiterrorist laws.
Shortly after her release she was abducted and assaulted by several men in uniform who warned her to discontinue her reporting.
Her crime?
Parameshwari gathered information for articles that exposed government participation in abductions, as well as other human rights abuses.
She is called a terrorist because she belongs to an ethnic group with which Sri Lanka’s Government is at war.
In seeking assistance to escape her tormentors, Parameshwari explains she needed to leave Sri Lanka in order “to live a fear-free life and regain my self esteem”.
She adds, “The long period of detention and the constant harassment, coupled with the fear for my life, has had a serious impact on my psychological well-being and I am forced to seek counseling in order to function on a day-to-day basis.”
'May Day' or 'Mayday'
Preparations were underway for the JVP May Day rally scheduled to be held at the Colombo Municipal Council grounds tomorrow. Our photographer Daminda Harsha Perera captured these shots of the 70 foot structure being built alongside the main stage.
Air Force unpreparedness; 'Is it betrayal?' Asks UNP
UNP made these comments in a statement issued by UNP media chief Kandy district MP Lakshman Kiriella on the LTTE air raid in Welioya.
Although the Air Force should have been on alert on the LTTE aircrafts and their sorties, the LTTE could complete its mission due to the delay of the Air Force. As the government has announced, Air Force has all military equipment including Mig fighter crafts. UNP expresses doubt why the Mig fighter crafts were not used to destroy the LTTE aircrafts that were traced by radars.
Air Force should have been in full alert as the LTTE was retreating from Madu and fighting was raging in Muhamalai. However, LTTE air raid proved that the Air Force was not prepared. Not providing air assistance to the war heroes who were fighting in Muhamalai was also dubious. Air Force unpreparedness while the forces are fighting can be defined as betrayal. UNP expresses hopes that the government and the security forces chiefs will follow strict measures to avoid the LTTE air raids and to demolish LTTE's air power.
Tuesday, 29 April 2008
lthy Political Developments - Legitimising the TMVP Two Unhealthy Political Developments- Part 1- Legitimising the TMVP By Col. Hariharan
“The memories of letting loose armed gangs in the east after the Indian peace Keeping Force (IPKF) left the island in 1990 provide a gruesome lesson for the state in handling the issue casually. The east was handed over to the LTTE control by a clever President Premadasa to lay the rule of law on the then Chief Minister Varadaraja Perumal who had made a misguided unilateral declaration of independence for the northeast in his last hurrah. The LTTE went on a rampage and in the blood bath that followed it killed at least a thousand Tamil youth who had put their faith in the government.”
Political developments in Sri Lanka have been as rapid as the abnormal deluge that has bogged down the troops in the forward lines of north. There had been some realignment of political fronts as the country approached the May 10 deadline for the first ever provincial council elections in the east since the de-merger of the north-eastern province. Ideally this should be a healthy development. But Sri Lanka, like many other democracies in the neighbourhood, is caught in the vortex of populist politics, and disregard for scruples in the quest for power among political parties. The battle array of the two fronts reflects s this politics sans principles with focus on issues of power rather than commitment to ideals.
Specifically, two unhealthy but interconnected political developments that could become hazardous for national security are evident in this political exercise. The first and more insidious development is legitimisation of the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Padaigal (TMVP) as a political party without disarming it and anointing it as a partner of the ruling United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA). The second is the potential powder keg of growing feeling of alienation among Muslims in the east in the emerging provincial political dispensation.
Legitimising the TMVP
TMVP has a murky history that is almost wholly militant and non-political. It is a product of miscegenation of soured militancy and failed quest for power through the use of arms. It owes its origins to Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan alias Karuna (to be factually correct a.k.a Kokila Dushmantha Gunawardena), the Batticaloa leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) who broke up with Prabhakaran in March 2004. The LTTE's major preoccupation in the early years of Karuna's exit was typical – to gun him and his followers down. Karuna made a half hearted attempt at politics. This was apparently beyond his ken as surviving LTTE pistol group assassins became the top priority. Ultimately this preoccupation became a zero sum game that ended any political role for him. But it provided Karuna and the TMVP a legitimate (at least from their point of view) reason to retain the arms they had brought along when they quit the LTTE fold. In any case, the state had neither the inclination nor the determination to disarm yet another Tamil militant group in its own back yard, particularly when it was fighting the LTTE with the TMVP assisting it to effectively curb the LTTE activity.
Karuna became a war lord of sorts ruling the Tamil areas. The cadres helped the Sri Lankan military operations that intensified from 2005 onwards. Initially they operated collectively in groups and later individually. They occupied the power vacuum created amidst the Tamil population as the territory was cleared of LTTE control. Karuna had problems in visibly exercising his command mainly due to absentee landlordism and continued LTTE threat to his life. The effective leadership power was wielded by Pillayan, his second in command. The security forces appear to have preferred him as he was eager, willing and available to go along with the security forces operations. Pillayan climbed up to the top of the leadership ladder after the TMVP eased out Karuna from the leadership making some accusations of financial misappropriation of party funds against him.
The TMVP activities were not endearing them to others. Their actions related more to a vigilante militia than a political party. There were innumerable complaints against the behaviour of armed TMVP cadres roaming around the Tamil and at times Muslim areas from many quarters. They included Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission, the four co-chairs of the Tokyo Donors Conference, political parties of all hues, community leaders, civil society organisations, highly reputed international and local not for profit organisations, and human rights and humanitarian organs of the United Nations.
The list of TMVP misconduct included the whole range of offences in the penal code - extortion, child recruitment, 'tax collection,' kidnapping, intimidation, muzzling the media, and even killings. There were accusations of army colluding with TMVP in some of these actions either by ignoring or participating in the misdeeds. Demands for disarming the TMVP were as loud as the deadly silence of the government response to the demands. The Sri Lanka government had to take some action to satisfy the mounting international criticism against the TMVP and probably Karuna, now without power and following, became probably a willing fall guy.
The TMVP without Karuna but under Pillayan became an important partner of the UPFA alliance when it contested the local body polls in Batticaloa district a month ago. Of course, the elections were by and large peaceful and polling was heavy. The TMVP cadres did not display their hardware during the elections according to the government. This point has been disputed by some of the political parties and civil society bodies. That is immaterial because the TMVP still retains the weapons. TMVP won eight of the nine local bodies. The UPFA alliance won the ninth - the Batticaloa council. The government show-cased the local body elections to the international audience as the coming of age of democracy in the east. In a way it was a coming of age, but of politicisation of extremism. This is where the genuineness and credibility of the forthcoming PC polls hang now.
The issue is not simply one of legitimising TMVP; but legitimising extrajudicial role of armed groups to operate politically in areas of their choosing, while the rule of law is consigned to the books. Though the TMVP might be more inclined to assume a political role, it has to disarm itself to become a legitimate political party as other Tamil militant groups had done in the past. Only that would be an affirmation of its faith in the power of the ballot rather than the bullet. Even in Nepal, the Maoist arms were mothballed before they participated in the elections.
The memories of letting loose armed gangs in the east after the Indian peace Keeping Force (IPKF) left the island in 1990 provide a gruesome lesson for the state in handling the issue casually. The east was handed over to the LTTE control by a clever President Premadasa to lay the rule of law on the then Chief Minister Varadaraja Perumal who had made a misguided unilateral declaration of independence for the northeast in his last hurrah. The LTTE went on a rampage and in the blood bath that followed it killed at least a thousand Tamil youth who had put their faith in the government.
The bottom line is security of ordinary people is the responsibility of the state. It cannot deputise it to warlords or irregular militias. If the state cannot ensure personal security, how can it conduct free and fair elections in the true democratic spirit? History is replete with examples of how politics and guns in a democracy cannot coexist.. Pakistan in our own neighbourhood has been sapped of its strength due to not adhering to this simple truth. It is still reaping the bitter fruits of ignoring a simple basic dictum - only politics and not guns can have a place in democracy.
A second aspect is such moves set a bad precedence in future negotiations for peace with the LTTE. Ultimately the future of the armed LTTE cadres has to be decided. Even during the IPKF's early palaver with the LTTE, the cadres' future was discussed. If they are to retain their arms, they have to be part of a legitimate force of the state accountable to the organs of the constitution. From this count, this political move to take TMVP within the UPFA fold without disarming it could weaken state's case in future negotiations as and when they take place with LTTE (no harm in hoping I suppose). It also sends the message that as long as such extremist groups maintain their identity and remain politically useful they can get away with anything and exist outside the pale of law.
The only regime that had been practising such black tactics is Burma where the military junta has signed ceasefire agreements with a large number of ethnic insurgent groups. They have been allowed to retain their structure, put on a state retainer, and act as government proxies in their regions with detrimental results. A few powerful groups have been allowed to retain their arms and they are virtually ruling the roost. A few other groups are into profitable poppy cultivation and have become bastions of drug traffic causing concern to both China and the rest of the world. These groups have encouraged illegal arms traffic to feed insurgencies in India's northeast and Bangladesh.
Sri Lanka is politically far more advanced than Burma to fall into such easy but risky subterfuge in handling the TMVP. A suspicion that the removal of Special Task Force (STF) personnel from 10 posts before the election was carried out at the behest of the TMVP persists in the minds of many commentators. If this is true it is an unhealthy beginning for the new "political role" of the TMVP. With Pillayan already speaking of his aspirations to be chief minister of the eastern provincial council (and why not if he wins majority seats!) the credibility of the government exercise in "liberating the people of the east from LTTE control" and ushering in democracy would be low. One can only hope at least after the elections are over, the disarming of TMVP would follow. It is never too late to start what is good for the people.
Lastly, there is the global threat of small arms proliferation in which insurgent and militant groups' contribution is at least a million weapons. In South Asia alone at least 100,000 to 200,000 are in the hands of insurgent groups, past and present. This figure does not include weapons in the hands of criminal gangs. Sri Lanka has a sizeable contribution to the stockpile of such unaccounted arms that are floating in the sub continent. This encourages a host of crimes – smuggling, corruption of government officials, human traffic, and illicit arms and drug traffic. The pilot survey of the Hambantota district by the National Commission Against Illicit Proliferation of Small Arms Sri Lanka has clearly shown how the illicit weapons from north and east are contributing to crime even in a Sinhala majority district. So how can there be normal political life in the east, with illicit arms in the hands of legitimately elected representatives? Only the people of Sri Lanka can answer this question.
Part 2- Rise in Muslim Discontent
The political style of Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his use of military option in handling the Tamil insurgency have split almost all political parties which have been compelled to make hard political choices. Starting with the United National Party (UNP), the latest episode in the "split-story" is the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP).The smaller parties did not split but joined the ruling United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) bandwagon enjoying the perks of office. Those who have resisted have generally put paid for their demeanour. But the hardest hit in this political maelstrom is the Muslim political leadership, notably the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC).
No Muslim leader has so far been able to truly fill the leadership void created after the assassination of Mohammad Hussein Muhammad Ashraff, who gave a vision to the SLMC in the national sphere. He gave a new thrust to the SLMC's emergence as a representative body of Muslims in 1986. The rise of Ashraff was in a way path breaking because for the first time the poorer and marginalised Tamil speaking Muslims of the east had a leader who created space for them in Sri Lanka politics. Till then individual Muslim leaders made their mark by toeing the Sinhala line within the two major political parties. It was Ashraff who struck his own path and developed the SLMC and the Muslim constituency as an independent entity and worked out political equations on handling the Tamils and Sinhalas. This was very important at that time as Muslims were caught between the increasingly violent confrontation between Sinhalas and Tamils - the two larger communities.
After the death of Ashraff, the SLMC lost not only its shine but its direction as well. It has been split, at least into three major entities. Rauf Hakeem a lieutenant of Ashraff took over the major chunk of SLMC considering himself political heir to Ashraff, while Ferial Ashraff, wife of the late Ashraff, joined the UPFA coalition with her faction.
With the fourth edition of the Eelam War raging in the north, the sharing of power between ethnic communities is as yet an undecided issue. With President Rajapaksa representing the larger section of Southern Sinhala viewpoint, both the Tamil and Muslim communities need strong and unified leaderships to workout an equitable solution to power sharing.
Among Muslim leaders, particularly of the SLMC, the peace process 2002 created a feeling of disappointment. The peace talks between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) excluded direct and separate representation to the Muslim community, who inhabit large areas in the northeast. They feared the devolution process would bypass Muslim interests by default. Efforts of Rauf Hakeem to muscle into the process through direct deal with Prabhakaran, the LTTE leader, resulted in empty words. The demand for equitable role for Muslms in the peace process on their own right was never taken seriously by other stakeholders including the international community.
Similar was the experience of the Muslim community which bore a major brunt of the devastation of the tsunami strike in December 2005. Their relief measures were slow in coming. And they were unhappy that their woes did not get the adequate attention they deserved. These experiences have glaringly showed the inadequacy of Muslim leadership to articulate their viewpoint.
These came on top of a similar experience in the past when India actively intervened in the period 1983 to 1987 in support of the Tamil cause that culminated in the India- Sri Lanka Agreement 1987. Then also the Muslim community felt their interests had been marginalised in the devolution stakes. At that time the Muslim polity had no independent articulation but had tried to find a place within the leadership of the two major national parties. And the elections taking place now in the east are only a resurgence of the very same form of provincial level devolution. So it will probably revive the old fears of alienation. And the Muslim population is politically more conscious than ever before. So the feeling of alienation could be stronger if the elections are not conducted fairly.
Muslim leadership and the PC elections
With the President talking of democratisation of the east, the time has come for Muslims to demand a share of the pie in the power structure. This would also set precedence for their share in power in the national dispensations in the future as and when the war ends (!). If the Muslim leaders fail to achieve this they are likely to be become non entities in the eyes of the people. This has created a crisis of sorts for the Muslim polity in participating in the forthcoming provincial council elections in the eastern province. The crisis has three major facets.
The first relates to handling President Rajapaksa's desire to play an assertive role in the east, so that the ruling UPFA coalition (and as a corollary Sri Lanka Freedom Party –SLFP) can gain a firm foothold cashing upon their military success against the LTTE. Rajapaksa has shown remarkable political savvy in understanding the weakness of Muslim leadership which is split and easily satisfied with political pickings. So he struck a deal with the community leaders (Jamaat) directly and that acted as a hidden persuader in working out support for the UPFA. Only Rauf Hakeem of the SLMC appears to be trying to be free of the "Rajapaksa embrace" perhaps to save his own identity as the true successor of MHM Ashraff.
Rauf Hakeem's fears are not unjustified. The President's new thrust lines of politics in the east involve coalition with the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP), who are still armed and have a dubious record of acts of violence and intimidation against Muslims. If TMVP establishes itself in the corridors of power, life could become difficult for Muslims. Moreover, in the near term, if the President succeeds it could end the carefully nuanced Muslim leadership's tactics of "milking" maximum benefit out of the traditional antagonism between the SLFP and its bête noire the UNP. In some distant future it holds the potential to evolve a Tamil-Sinhala political coalition at the cost of Muslim interests in the power play. This unlikely happening could throw the Muslims into political wilderness.
The second facet relates to the importance the eastern provincial council elections hold for Muslim political identity. The fact that three senior Muslim members of parliament resigned their membership to participate in the provincial council poll shows this. This comes out of what they feel as justifiable claims to have an elected body of their choice with a Muslim chief minister. This is not an unrealistic thought. By most counts (though often unreliable) Muslims have emerged as the biggest population group in the east touching around 42 per cent of the total. It is this desire to capture power that has made two prominent Muslim leaders - Hizbullah and Rauf Hakeem - choose opposite political camps. Hizbullah has chosen to partner the UPFA while Hakeem is going along with the UNP agreeing to put up candidates of SLMC to contest with UNP symbol. His choice is probably driven by the fear of Rajapaksa's domination which he perceives as Southern Sinhala assertion.
Lastly, the success of the Muslim leaders in the election is going to determine the pecking order of Muslim leadership in the national sphere. But with the TMVP domination of the Batticaloa district and the uncertain dimensions of Sinhala support in what had been traditional UNP strongholds, any split in Muslim votes could result in the diminution of an independent Muslim political articulation. So far the Muslim politicians have been able to achieve much using their clout with whosoever is in power. But the moment the relevance of their support diminishes such achievements could become uncertain.
The security threat
Some of the problems faced by Sri Lanka's Muslim population are similar to those faced by Muslims in many countries where they are a minority. These are mostly related to the inherent contradictions within the Muslim Ummah in reconciling increased assertion of Islamic identity with that of national one. Thanks to the more accommodative Sufi beliefs of most of the Sri Lankan Muslims to a large extent this problem has been managed well despite periodic confrontation with the increasing spread of fundamentalist Wahabi influence.
Despite minor sectarian skirmishes between the two, so far the community has managed to keep them within manageable proportions, thanks to the pragmatic approach of Muslim population and its leaders. If there is a perceived threat to the Muslim identity the Wahabis are likely to take advantage and use it as a lever to spread their influence. And it is good to remember that unfettered spread of Wahabi influence has led to the growth of aggressive fundamentalism of the Taliban type in many countries. Similar potential exists in arming Muslim private militias which could come into being as a response to TMVP depredation if it continues after the elections. And political disillusionment is the first step to these unhealthy developments.
The observation of International Crisis Group on the subject in their report of May 29, 2007 aptly sums up the whole situation: There is no guarantee that this commitment to non-violence will continue, particularly given the frustration noticeable among younger Muslims in the Eastern province. In some areas there are Muslim armed groups but they are small and not a major security threat. Fears of armed Islamist movements emerging seem to be exaggerated, often for political ends. Small gangs have been engaged in semi-criminal activities and intra-religious disputes, but there is a danger they will take on a role in inter-communal disputes if the conflict continues to impinge upon the security of co-religionists.
Such a development should not be dismissed casually. The weakened Muslim leadership could well be swept aside if the community loses its confidence in the present scheme of things. (In this context, it is probably too early to comment on the impact of Pakistan President Musharraf's generous offer to help Sri Lanka's fight against terror. But when such an offer comes from a leader, who had unhesitatingly used the same terror weapon in neighbouring countries in the past through proxies guided by the ISI machinery it has dangerous portends.) This should be the last thing all communities in this troubled province need. To avoid such a development, the work is cut out for all stakeholders in and out of power to ensure a fair representation for all communities. Specifically the needs of the hour are as follows
The administration should run a free and fair election without stuffing of ballots or intimidation to keep voters away from exercising their franchise. The UPFA leadership in particular should run a tight ship avoiding the temptation to use the TMVP muscle power to ensure victory, as the opposition is already voicing their suspicion. One way of achieving this is to have international election observers present during the election process and providing unfettered media access during the run up to the elections and voting.
Have a proactive internal security plan in place to ensure communal confrontation does not erupt even accidentally.
Muslim leadership inside the coalitions should ensure the tradeoffs are not short term. It is high time the leadership united on major issues of community and national interests rather than think on personal considerations. A major weakness is the leadership's inability to think and act proactively. This can come through if only the work out a larger consultative coalition outside party folds to serve the common interests of the community.
(Col. R Hariharan, a retired Military Intelligence specialist on South Asia, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90.He is associated with the South Asia Analysis Group and the Chennai Centre for China Studies. E-mail: colhari@yahoo.com)- Sri Lanka Guardian
Building new security pattern in Northeast Asia
The security situation in Northeast Asia has been consistently complicated over the past 50 years, featuring interweaving conflicts, old and new, and a large number of unsafe and destabilizing factors.
On the one hand, the fragile peace that took shape during the Cold War years has been maintained; on the other, however, as the scars and wounds caused by wars and conflicts in the region since World War II are left unhealed, the possibility of having all potential security risks in the region properly addressed in the near future remains elusive. In particular, the outbreak of the Korean Peninsula nuclear crisis has turned Northeast Asia into one of world's trouble spots, less serious only than the Middle East.
The following are the major potential security risks in the region:
1. On the Korean Peninsula nuclear crisis, a light appears to have emerged as chief delegates to the Six-Party Talks on the issue wrapped up their talks in Beijing on Friday with a schedule for further meetings on the denuclearization process. However, given the weak political trust between the United States and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), any positive statement of substantive progress from the talks on the crisis seemed too early. Should the talks on the Korean nuclear crisis fail to find a way out of the difficult situation, the danger of a nuclear arms race taking place in Northeast Asia and even slipping out of control will grow substantial.
2. The United States and Japan, the world's leading economic powers, have constantly strengthened and deepened their security alliance, bringing pressure to other countries in the region. These moves, aimed at seeking self security at the expense of a sense of security for others, is less than conducive to the fostering of enduring peace in the region.
3. In spite of a relaxed military standoff between the North and the South on the Korean Peninsula, the two sides are still engaged in frequent military exercises aimed at deterrence and anti-deterrence as well as containment and anti-containment. With tension embedded in the fragile peace, the prospect of unification on the peninsula remains slim.
4. Disputes among countries over territorial and maritime rights keep cropping up. These disputes, if mishandled, might touch off new crises.
In addition, the separatist forces in Taiwan headed by Chen Shui-bian still cling tight to their "independence" attempts, thus posing a grave threat to the peace of Taiwan and the region as a whole.
My proposal of a new security pattern in Northeast Asia is based on the fact that the region has had no reliable security mechanism since the Korean War and the ideology-based security alliances among some countries are incapable of ensuring lasting peace in the region. I am also of the view that the unique historical background of Northeast Asia makes the security patterns elsewhere unfitting to the region. Hence, a new pattern should be built in the region that is based on the actual diversity of the region and acceptable to all sides concerned.
1. The European pattern does not fit Northeast Asia.
Profound changes took place on the European security landscape after the end of the Cold War. There used to be two military rivals in Europe. But one of them ceased to exist following the disintegration of the former Soviet Union and the Eastern European bloc, leaving the other one at a loss for new defense goals with the loss of a rival on its par. Despite present setbacks in the European integration process, the call for peacefully building a new Europe has become the main theme of the whole continent.
The security situation in Northeast Asia, in contrast, bears little room for optimism. First and foremost, the above problems could hardly be properly solved soon. Second, given the varied historical and cultural backgrounds as well as varying level of economic development among Northeast Asian countries, the region is not equipped with conditions for integration in the way Europe is.
However, the yearning for peace and development and the urgent need for a peaceful regional environment for their economic and social development in all countries in the region make it utterly necessary to build a new security pattern in Northeast Asia that is binding to all countries in the region.
2. My thinking for the future new security pattern in Northeast Asia is: take the Six-Party Talks on the Korean nuclear issue as an opportunity to push forward the building of enduring peace in the region.
A specific proposal is as follows: through joint efforts, six parties should endeavor to materialize the 9.19 and 2.13 consensus reached during the 6th round Six-Party Talks, and on this basis, a regional summit on peace and security can be held with the conclusion of a Peace Treaty in Northeast Asia in the 21st Century.
The purpose of this summit is: propose basic principles for enduring peace in the region based on the diversity in Northeast Asian countries; reach an agreement in principle on concluding the Peace Treaty in Northeast Asia in the 21st Century; based on this summit, governments concerned designate experts and scholars to draft the specific clauses of this Peace Treaty in Northeast Asia in the 21st Century, which can be discussed and adopted in a regional international conference, then submitted to the governments concerned for signature and entry into force, and to the United Nations for record.
Conclusion of such a new treaty will have the following effects:
First, the series of issues left over from history in the region will be further cooled down and enabling conditions will be created for their final peaceful solution.
Second, antagonism among countries in the region because of differences in ideology will be greatly eased.
Third, fostering a relatively enduring regional environment of peace will be conducive to regional economic integration, which will benefit the United States, all East Asian countries and Oceanic countries. Deepened economic integration in the region will, in turn, be a positive force for regional peace and security.
3. To rebuild the peace and security pattern in Northeast Asia requires major countries in the region such as China, the United States, Japan and Russia to take the lead while all other countries in the region to take an active part.
To be frank, it is not easy to conclude a Peace Treaty in Northeast Asia in the 21st Century. But it is a treaty well worth the efforts of all the countries in the region despite the different values they uphold. Nonetheless, whether such a new pattern could be built depends on the political will of China, the US, Japan and Russia. Major countries in the region must realize that upholding long-term peace and stability in Northeast Asia not only serves their long-term interests, but also makes them responsible to other countries in the region. To this end, may I make a bold suggestion that the idea of concluding a peace treaty should be included in the official strategic dialogue mechanism among China, the United States, Japan and Russia and gradually placed on the agenda of the leaders' dialogue.
After an "ice-breaking trip" to China by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao paid a very successful "ice-melting trip" to Japan in April. The Joint Communique issued by the two governments made the two peoples and the people of the rest of the world see again the dawn of peaceful cooperation between China and Japan, the two major powers in Asia. As two major countries in Northeast Asia, China and Japan are responsible for making efforts for enduring peace in the region. So I suggest that experts and scholars of China and Japan meet regularly to have in-depth exchanges of views on such an important issue.
The author is president of the Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs
Time for peace in Sri Lanka is long overdue
There is a great measure of hypocrisy in the actions and talk between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), also known as the Tamil Tigers, and successive governments of Sri Lanka.
It is one thing to proclaim that all that is desired is peace, but quite another to launch attacks on innocent civilians or, in the case of the government, upon Tamil strongholds.
Both actions are incompatible and likely to only result in an escalation of internal strife, death and injury. The war between the government and Tigers has been going on for well over 30 years and still seems no nearer to a conclusion.
The Tigers, who are mainly financed and supported by Tamils living abroad, claim they are not prepared to concede to any of the government's demands, believing that to do so would destroy the sacrifice of those who have died in the civil strife.
Yet the government, which has a responsibility for the whole nation - and that includes Tamils on the island - is equally firm that it has no wish to split the country by allowing the north and east of the island to become a separate state.
It has, however, conceded in the past that it is prepared to allow a certain measure of autonomy for the Tigers, although this was received with less enthusiasm from the majority Sinhalese population.
While the government of President Mahinda Rajapakse has promised victory against the Tigers soon, it seems the military has made no major incursion upon the territory held by the LTTE.
Yet it is as difficult to determine who is winning and who is losing as it is to know the total number of deaths on each side. But with all the fighting, it must be conceded that one day, both sides will need to sit down and talk peace together.
British police arrests 3 persons for alleged 'support and fundraising' to LTTE
The LTTE is a proscribed organisation under the terms of the Terrorism Act 2000, which came into force in 2001, the British High Commission said.
Two people have previously been charged in connection with this investigation.
Full text of the press release issued by the British High Commission in Colombo follows:
BRITISH HIGH COMMISSION
PRESS RELEASE
BRITISH POLICE ARREST THREE MEN UNDER TERRORISM ACT 2000
At approximately 6.30 am on 29 April police officers from the Metropolitan Police Counter Terrorism Command, supported by members of the Welsh police service, carried out searches under the Terrorism Act 2000 at a number of residential and business addresses in Wales. Further searches were carried out in Surrey in south east England and Greater London.
Three men were arrested at separate addresses on suspicion of the commission, preparation or instigation of acts of terrorism under the Terrorism Act 2000.
The arrests are part of a long-term investigation into the alleged funding and procurement activity in support of terrorism overseas. The investigation relates to alleged procurement, support and fundraising for the proscribed organisation, the LTTE .
Two people have previously been charged in connection with this investigation.
British High Commission
Colombo
4/29/08
University student feared shot dead in Jaffna
Another version of the incident said that the shooting was carried out by the gunmen forcibly entering the house of the victim.
Jaffna Teaching Hospital officials said that they have not yet received any bodies related to the above incident.
Unconfirmed reports further said that the victim is Gunaratnam Suhantheepan, a student from the medical faculty.
No further details are available at this time.
IIGEP 'sceptical' of Bhagwati letter – BBC Sandeshaya
The panel left Sri Lanka last month accusing the government of hindering the investigations of a probe on serious human rights violations.
The government said it has received a letter from the head of the expert panel retracting earlier statements accusing the government.
Human Rights minister Mahinda Samarasinghe said Justice P.N. Bhagwati has also praised the work of the Commission of Inquiry (CoI).
The CoI was appointed by President Rajapaksa to investigate 15 cases of serious rights violations including the killing of 17 aid workers in Muttur.
Assassinations of Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar and Joseph Pararajasingham, MP, are among the investigations of CoI.
The head of International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) has written to the President saying that he does not stand by the accusation of government “lacking political will” to investigate the abuses.
However, Sir Nigel Rodley, a member of the IIGEP, told BBC Sandeshaya that the panel stood by the statement issued after discussions held in February.
“I think you or anybody else should be treating with extreme skepticism any representation by the government of Sri Lanka what any of us says,” he said.
Mr. Bhagwati has also praised the work of the CoI headed by retired judge Nissanka Udalagama, Minister Samarasinghe told journalists in Colombo.
Sir Nigel Rodley, a Professor of Law at Essex University, was the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture from 1993 to 2001.
The IIGEP member refused to comment on the reported letter sent by former Indian Chief Justice, PN Bhagwati, to President Rajapaksa.
“I am not prepared to comment on anything the government of Sri Lanka quotes what Mr. Bhagwati says. When I see the letter I would be willing to comment,” he told BBC Sinhala.com.
The panel is not aware of any letter sent to President Rajapaksa by their president, he added.
Categorically rejecting the government’s accusations that the IIGEP “exceeded their mandate”, Sir Nigel Rodley said the panel worked within the parameters of the mandate given by Sri Lanka authorities.
Anura B's last will to feature in court
One of the four executors of the last will of the late politician Anura Bandaranaike is intending to go to court over the uncertainty surrounding the document.
Mr. Bandaranaike's two sisters, Chandrika and Sunethra will not inherit anything according to the last will dated May 10th, 1996.
There have been claims of the existence of another last will, by close associates of the Bandaranaike family.
One executor of the 1996 document is Gamini Gunaratne, UNP councilor at the Western Provincial Council, who told 'Lanka Dissent' that he would go to court to get the matter sorted out.
The other three are millionaire businessman Tirukumar Nadesan, attorney Shanaka de Livera and Unesh Hafeel, who was Mr. Bandaranaike's personal secretary.
According to them, the last will inked nearly 12 years ago gives the ancestral home located in a more than 22-acre plot of land at Horagolla to the Anura Bandaranaike Foundation.
So is a house and land at no. 65/A, Colombo 07.
The other properties will be distributed among the late politician's staff, while his Nissan Cedric car goes to Minister Mervyn Silva.
Mr. Gunaratne says that claimants of the existence of another last will could present their case before the court.
Jaffna lawyers announce boycott of courts
Lawyers in the northern peninsula are planning to boycott courts from May 2nd until the space allocated for them at the newly-opened judicial complex in Jaffna is made available to them, 'Tamil Net' reported.
Zonal Vice President of the Northern Bar Association of Sri Lanka Shantha Abimanasinghe said the failure of any constructive measure to be taken in this regard has forced us to resort to boycott.
This is despite NBSL's discussions on the issue with the Attorney General and key officials of the Justice Ministry, she added.
The library, consultation hall and canteen for the use of lawyers allocated in the newly opened judicial complex in Jaffna are yet to be made available according to the time schedule agreed upon, the Vice President said.
The Magistrate's Court and High Court in Jaffna town as well as the Chavakachcheri courts in Thenmaradchi, Point Pedro Court in Vadamaradchi, Mallakam Court in Valikamam, Kayts Court in the islets of Jaffna will be forced to cease functioning, 'Tamil Net' added.Sri Lanka EPF makes billions in real losses
Inflation measured by the Colombo Consumer Price Index (CCPI) was 16.5 percent in 2007, against an effective rate of return declared to members of the EPF of 11.40 percent indicating a real loss of 5.00 percent for the year, according to information disclosed in the 2007 annual report of the Central Bank, which manages the fund.
Even conservatively taking the beginning-of-the-year balance of the fund portfolio of 477.6 billion rupees, the EPF has lost 23.8 billion rupees in real terms with an effective rate declared of 11.4 percent in 2007.
The EPF is made up by contributions deducted from the salaries of private sector workers and the bulk of the funds are invested in government securities.
Debt market participants routinely refer to the fund as a 'captive' source indicating that it is mis-used by the state to keep rates down against the interests of its own beneficiaries.
The International Monetary Fund has already called for independent governance for the EPF. The ETF, another private sector retirement fund, is also managed by the state.
Critics have pointed out that the Central Bank is faced with conflicts of interest in managing the EPF.
On one hand it is responsible for containing inflation and has the power to decide interest rates. It also runs the public debt department which raises money for the government and has a responsibility to find money at the lowest rates.
The EPF on the other hand has to get the highest rates for its members. These goals are incompatible with each other.
In a Financial Sector Stability Assessment, the IMF said a "sound, robust, and independent governance structure" was needed for the EPF with a "clear objective of seeking the best investment returns for members."
Critics have also pointed out that the managers of the EPF who are central bank employees have inflation protected pensions which are topped up each year with billions of rupees from central bank funds.
The rate of return declared for members of the Central Bank provident funds were not disclosed in the annual report.
The EPF on the other hand is taxed. This year the fund paid 4.4 billion rupees in taxes.
Last year another controversy blew up after it was revealed that trained fund mangers and analysts who were recruited to help improve returns had been effectively sacked due to internal employment politics within the monetary authority.
In 2007 however the monetary authority allowed market rates to move up which analysts say will help increase returns to the EPF in the future. In 2006 the fund lost 37 billion rupees in real terms when compared to the CCPI index.
Countries with fiat (paper) money can use the monetary system to print money and drive up inflation while keeping interest rates low or negative in real terms.
This reduces the real debt burden of the government at the expense of savers, especially older people who have saved for a lifetime.
Most ordinary people who find savings of a lifetime destroyed by inflation, or the loss of purchasing power of fiat paper currency, find the concept of real losses difficult to grasp, allowing governments to create inflation through central banking without attracting serious criticism.
Fiat money and central banking has been mis-used spectacularly in monetary history, in well documented cases, especially in France both during the French revolution and in the early part of the 18th century when John Law created a paper money central bank.
But central banking came to be widely abused as a method of 'secret taxation' to finance governments only after the United States went off the gold standard after World War II.
The current sub-prime bubble is also blamed on loose monetary policy of the Federal Reserve.
Mervyn injured in accident
Minister Mervyn Silva suffered injuries following an accident in Aralaganwila, Dehiattakandiya a short while ago and is being airlifted to
Rajapaksa strengthens ties with Iran
Meanwhile, Iranian Minister of Trade participated at the launch of work on the Uma Oya Multipurpose Scheme in Wellawaya, the longest ever hydro-tunnel to be built in the country, according to the information department.
"Both projects are funded by the Islamic Republic of Iran to the tune of over US$ 1.9 billion, which was pledged during President Mahinda Rajapaksa's State visit to Iran in November last year," the news release added. Ahmadinejad also took part in a Religious Leaders' Meeting hosted by S. Alavi Mowlana, the governor of the Western Province.
The Iranian president who met with his counterpart in Pakistan, Pervez Musharraf, on Monday, before arriving in Colombo, had signaled that the issues related to the multi-billion-dollar 2700 km Iran to India natural gas pipeline project through Pakistan, opposed by the United States, have been resolved.
"India and Iran have civilisational and economic ties," India's National Security Adviser M.K. Narayanan said on 21 April announcing the visit by the Iranian president to India while speaking at the IISS-Citi India Global Forum. The former U.S. Ambassador to India, Robert balckwill, who also addressed the same Forum said that Iran had the potential to be a divisive issue in Indo - U.S. relations.
The following day, The Indian Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) in response to question on a comment by the official Spokesman of the US State Department, tartly said: "neither country needs any guidance on the future conduct of bilateral relations as both countries believe that engagement and dialogue alone lead to peace. It is important that the genius of each nation living in a particular region is respected and allowed to flower to meet the expectations of enriching relations with neighbours".
The Indian statement further said: "Both nations are perfectly capable of managing all aspects of their relationship with the appropriate degree of care and attention."
"Despite a new round of UN sanctions over its nuclear activities, Iran still thinks it is ahead," wrote BBC's world affairs correspondent Paul Reynolds in early March, 2008.
"The enemies of the nation and bullying powers do not dare to admit that this nation has won in the nuclear field," Reynolds quoted the Iranian president as saying.
Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa has strengthened his ties with Iran as India also pledged a soft loan package of $100 million for Sri Lankan defence department to buy arms and ammunition as revealed by India's leading business daily Economic Times, on Sunday.